Rachel Pearson College of St. William J. Clark and Andrea L.
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Rachel Pearson. White Tears, by Hari Kunzru. Homegoing, by Yaa Gyasi. But whatever it was, no one was hurt. Thinking that we had avoided the worst of. In truth, of course, we woke up to a new reality more generally. We worried that the status we had as the home of free speech made us a target either for a tweeted sleight of hand or for a new kind of violent assault on our college campus. But the university has in some figurative respects been under attack long before February 1. In recent years, politicians and members of the public had come increasingly to believe that the university is wasting public money, paying administrators and faculty far too much, charging too much for education all the while driving the new generation of students into unsustainable debt.
As one important recent index of this, the Heterodox Academy, established by Jonathan Haidt at NYU, has been strongly critical—both of the ideological uniformity of college campuses among faculty and of the preeminence of identity politics among students—leading to strong constituent support from both groups for safe spaces, speech codes, trigger warnings, bans on controversial speakers who threaten members of particular identity groups, and so on and so forth. And yet these critiques, whether one likes them or not, certainly invite serious debate.
Haidt and Lilla would see themselves as classic liberals on the Left. Some faculty have recently suggested that the First Amendment itself needs reconsideration and revision, given the implicit but no less impactful violence of hate speech on our campuses. The militant anarchists of the Antifa movement have no interest in the First Amendment at all, seeing it and its defense in the language of the marketplace of ideas as the bedrock of an obsolete liberalism that has failed minorities, the poor, the dispossessed in favor of power elites—a capitalist system that is rigged—and, now increasingly, white supremacists and fascists.
Sometimes phrases we associate with one political side actually crop up on the other. Indeed, it is all the more difficult now to negotiate some of these issues in the time of Trump. But I believe that the principles, both of free speech and of academic freedom, are in fact more important than ever before. I believe that the use of free speech has to both be defended, but it also has to be seen as a sword that is being used against the supposed hypocrisy of the university.
Because too much of this critique—and it comes from a lot of different places—is on the idea of the university itself. It includes the fundamental importance of the knowledge we teach and the knowledge that we make in universities. It attacks what is enlightened debate, and often substitutes for it just a kind of a theater of provocation. It attacks the principles of inclusion and diversity as well as, paradoxically, on genuinely open and critical debate.
And it attacks the critical role of science and even expertise and public policy. And in the end, of course, [it] attacks intellectuals and serious thought leaders more generally. So this is the context in which we, I think, now operate. I have no easy answers. Part of the backdrop for these discussions is another kind of critique, which is one that I think we all have to take very seriously. The current political challenges are not separable from the other kinds of concerns.
I believe that what we have to do, as educators, as students, as faculty, as administrators and just as people concerned about the future of the university, is to find new ways to articulate, to advocate, to defend the very idea of the university while making sure that the reality of the university, at least as much of the time as possible, rises to meet the aspirations we hold as part of that great idea.
So could you tell us a little about what the heck did happen up there in the last couple of weeks [in September]? But the Free Speech Week was not that. It was the idea of Milo Yiannopoulos, who was trying to reinvent himself after remarks he made on the radio that were released after he was in Berkeley in February. Now, in the case of Milo in the first instance back in February, he had been working with the Berkeley College Republicans.
He had an invitation from the student group. It was a legitimate invitation. We had worked through all the regulations around what the student group has to do, forms they have to fill, securities they have to stand—standard practice for anybody inviting a speaker for a certain kind of audience at a certain time of the day or night. In that sense, it followed all the rules of the campus. We were going to do everything we could to make sure the event would take place. This time, he worked with a very new and very small organization called the Berkeley Patriot, which [runs] a kind of periodic newspaper.
It is run by a student who was trying to handle all the different kinds of things he had to deal with: demands from Milo about security; demands from Milo about allowing his bodyguards and private security to come on to campus; demands from Milo about basically controlling the time, place, and manner of his week and weekly parade of conservative speakers. So what are the limits to hate speech on campus, if any, by outside speakers, by students?
There were some cases, even at Columbia, where concerns were raised. There was a president of Iran back in , [Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad, who was invited to campus. We honored that invitation, and it was widely seen as a complete violation of the ethics of the university, since Ahmadinejad had called for the destruction of Israel and he denied the Holocaust. But, again, you start censoring one person, one set of views, and it will come back to haunt you. Stokely Carmichael, to a lot of people, was saying things that were unthinkable when. But the same kind of regulations that would keep Milo from coming, would have kept Stokely from coming.
Where else, if not universities, can one actually have the theater of extreme ideas? Violence, of course, is another matter, and of course this is part of the constitutional debate: When does language become violent? We have over the last decades accorded more and more power to speech. But the balance here is one in which—since hate speech is not actually against the law; it is constitutionally protected—we have to be very, I think, open about how we interpret what free speech means. And that does mean having debates that are very uncomfortable. Drew Faust, the president of Harvard, addressed this issue last spring.
She [said] that, in her view, the commitment to free speech basically imposed a special burden on students from underrepresented backgrounds and minority communities. A leading conser vati ve laments the state of the Right and asks how it got to its current state. With all due respect, I think Senator Feinstein was letting her optimism get ahead of the reality we are seeing here. Donald Trump is 70 years old. While I understand the desire to look for the best in everyone and the desire to look for possible grounds for future compromise reaching across party lines, I do think that part of their reality check is that Donald Trump is what he is.
He has had numerous opportunities to grow. Many people outside of Wisconsin became aware of your views during the Republican presidential primary, when Trump was a call-in guest to your [radio] show and had what became very quickly a very famous conversation with you. I had a show; we began every morning at , and my producer told me that Donald Trump was going to call in at I had been talking about Donald Trump from the moment he came down the golden escalator and announced for president.
I think they showed up in the polls in Wisconsin. So I did not expect that he was going to call in.
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Were they pleased to see you take him on—because again, they must have known your views—or was there blowback? Up until that moment, I think they understood that there were so many other choices. We had a variety of candidates. We were right before the Wisconsin primary. It was only later after he had secured the nomination that I think I was not in sync with the audience any longer. Explain what that was and what reaction did you see among other conservatives and among other conservative leaders.
I was very active in the conservative movement. I literally knew no elected official and not one other person that I respected who supported Donald Trump up until April. No one, no one in the party supported him. And yet somehow he was securing the nomination. This was naive on my part. One of things that I did in Wisconsin, we created a thing called The Right Women Awards, where I made it my personal project to encourage conservative women in politics.
We honored, I would say, almost every significant policy maker, politician, leader, thinker in the state. By the end of this campaign, every single one of those women supported Donald Trump. No matter how awful Donald Trump was, Hillary Clinton was worse. She had been demonized for 20 years.
It moved beyond partisan polarization into this tribalism. I watched as the party first was beaten, and then capitulated, and then acquiesced and then enabled Donald Trump. And what kind of conservative are you? But also [it included] a certain tradition of respect for our democratic norms. It was commonsense based. It was reality-based; it was not based on alternative facts. It could be distinguished from crackpotism, the fever swamps of the Right—which I imagined were fringe elements, which turned out not to be as fringey as I had thought they were.
A lot was being written; magazines were delving into ideas, arguing about ideas. I might have had a somewhat distorted view, because I really thought that. You can trace this back to [William F. But as George Will [said when he] and I had a conversation as I was leaving my radio show, it turned out that we were a much smaller band of brothers and sisters than we thought.
I think we had this intellectual veneer over a conservative movement that was a different set of values. Do you look for a new home? I knew after this election we were going to be in the wilderness. The party has shown itself to be more invertebrate than I would have expected. A Republican Party that was deeply conservative or that actually had fixed principles would never have nominated Donald Trump. A party without fixed principles or one that was open to the kind of nationalist nativism that he represents, would have nominated him.
If there was going to be a third party, would have been the perfect opportunity. The Republican Party needs either to be deeply reformed or replaced. Buckley, the giant of conservatism in the 20th century. In your book you also recount the role he played cleaning up conservatism, going to the fringe and pushing it out. The John Birchers, the anti-Semites and such. Is there anyone who could do that today?
These were clarifying moments. But there are no more gatekeepers. There is no Buckley; there is no successor to Buckley.
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As a result, the crackpots, the extremists, the conspiracy theorists, the racists, the anti-Semites, the paranoid fringe folks, the people who had been pushed outside have now reentered the conservative movement. I think Trump and his campaign with a wink and a nod basically gave them a certain amount of traction. Are you familiar with the Drudge Report? I would say that for the last 20 years, almost every conservative talk show host in America starts the day by looking at the Drudge Report.
Sometime within the last decade, before probably , Drudge started linking to Alex Jones and InfoWars. Alex Jones and InfoWars is not your garden-variety conspiracy theorist. So Drudge starts linking to him, which injects that kind of paranoid conspiracy theory into the bloodstream. Donald Trump comes onto the scene.
Trump launches his campaign by pushing the Ur-conspiracy theory of his campaign, the birther theory—that the first African-American president of the United States was really not born in the United States. And [he] gets away with that, by the way. These guys are very heavily funded by the Mercer family. Breitbart sits at the middle of this right-wing ecosystem. Changing the climate, beating up on Fox News to the point where they had to roll over. Some people would forget that Fox News was originally not necessarily pro-Trump. Eventually, they came on board. Because, of course, now Bannon and Breitbart are out there targeting other Republicans, including criticizing the president.
SYKES: This is the hard part for a contrarian conservative, because there will be moments where you agree with him on certain issues. I tend to agree with him on a lot of judicial issues. I remember back in when Obamacare was being passed. The big mantra among conservatives was that it was being done too quickly. It was being rammed through. That seems almost laughable now, since the Republicans were about to vote on a bill that had been released like, what, a day before?
Nobody knows what was in the bill. But more important, nobody knows how it would affect things in the real world. Donald Trump does not care about policy. Donald Trump is a man without principle, without any curiosity about policy. I think. He just wants a win. Would you explain? Is populism acting in the public interest? Then it is clearly a good thing. Is populism playing on resentments in class warfare? Is it the desire that you know if we just want something we should be able to impose [it] on others? Part of that is understanding what the words mean.
But my understanding of conservatism was that it was a careful balance—ordered liberty. It was suspicious of an authoritarian government, but it was also suspicious of populist insurgency, particularly of the hyper-nationalist, nativist brand. Again, are there populist elements that ought to be incorporated into our politics? Did we ignore too many Americans? I think that we did. Are some of those grievances legitimate? I think they are. Remember, you have to beat somebody with somebody.
I hope that the Democrats recognize that this. In our politics, what did we see in ? The binary choice. I could certainly imagine a circumstance where the opposition overplays its hand. The president accomplishes nothing but runs against Hollywood, the liberal news media, plays these culturally divisive issues. This is like catnip to his base. Wisconsin was a Democratic state; it is now solidly Republican.
The Democrats and the Left overplayed their hand to the point where they alienated many people in the center. If there is that kind of overreach that causes a backlash for Trump, he could exploit that. Now the fact that his approval ratings are as terrible as they are might give you hope, but remember what his approval ratings were right before the election. This was an election in which basically 60 percent of the American public disliked him, recognized that he did not have the qualifications to be president, did not think that he was honest. Yet somehow he was elected.
Compromise is what moves this government forward. If those strong majorities are bipartisan, the decision stands much more strongly then if it is just the decision of one party, and then the next party comes into power and undoes that decision—which is now a good deal of what is going on with this president, spending his time trying to undo executive orders that President Obama put forward.
I remember travelling with George [W. This was a big fire in subdivisions in the San Diego area, and I was so proud of him. This is what we have always done, and it works. The Tea Party came. I just find that really so difficult to deal with, because of such big issues of war, peace. And the only way you get there is by sitting down with the opposite party and working out the differences.
Their families also are in Seoul. The North Koreans have , troops. If you stand at the demilitarized zone, which is a minute drive from Seoul, you see a big, flat plain and mountains in the background. The , North Korean troops are behind those mountains. In those mountains are rocket, missile emplacements. One day, they will solve the problem of reentry from space back.
But we know they can hit about half of the United States, based on the trajectory that this last missile went up. We also know that they are hidden deep underground, and the difficulty is being able to get to them to disable them. Secretary Mattis came over, and we sat in the secure room in intelligence. He sort of took me through it and why there was really no military scenario. So what we have.
Now think about this: Do we really think we can isolate nations? And that they will do better or come around because we isolate them?
But [we need to] really put forward a proposal that could take North Korea out of this isolationism, bring it into the community of nations with certain standards that they would agree to follow, and then we can solve this problem. But if you shine a light at night, or if you look down at night on the two Koreas—the South is blooming with lights from the air; the North has no electricity. Can you talk to us about your reaction to them? I never thought we would see those lighted torches, the black uniforms walking through a very prominent university campus with an anti-Semitic screed on their lips.
The hatred between the people was so devastating to many of us that really believed we were beyond this racial discrimination, religious discrimination, hate, Ku Klux Klan, American Nazis, white supremacists. Fortunately, in the nine years I was mayor and the nine years I served in the Board of Supervisors here, this city is free of that. This city really appreciates different people, and different talents, and what they bring. So we are so lucky to live here. You cannot placate [Applause. I wanted. For police departments, this was a huge issue, an internal issue, because they believe they can look at people and they can make certain judgements based on how they look.
Arpaio, this sheriff, was just a terrible sheriff. So that was my concern about what he did. I just thought it was a stupid thing to do. Can you just give us kind of a sense of the state of things and where you think things are going? The Intelligence Committee is doing work in the arena of intelligence, and the Judiciary.
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Committee—of which I am ranking member—is looking at the justice-related issues, and of course that would be obstruction of justice; it would be the issue of collusion with Russia. He is a very direct person, which I appreciate. So we have worked out a system where thousands of documents have now been collected.
We have a staff. On the Democratic side, we are in the process of hiring a couple of investigators. And they will be interviewing both Donald Trump Jr. Then we will have them before the full committee. And in this kind of a situation, if you lie, you commit a kind of perjury. The Trump presidency has unleashed an. How have you and your office responded, and how do you as a senior senator of the largest state stay connected with your constituents?
I think what people need to do is make that activism consequential. I encourage people and particularly women to run for public office. Run for a school board, run for a city council, develop your expertise. Start out that way, because we really need informed people that really care in government—not people who just see it politically, but really do want to solve the issues that are before us. And then the bill is generally going to be okay. Substantial, okay—going to meet the needs of people as well as business or any other area of human endeavor.
This is a real problem. And I think we need a second line, and I think that second line is going to have to get publicly financed through bonds one way or another. It was , I think. But there were California industries that were suffering, so I was one of the no votes at that time, and I believe it should be renegotiated now in the modern age, so to speak. I think we can create incentives to keep American manufacturing here. I really believe manufacturing matters.
I really believe there are people that need production jobs and that we can do very well. I remember the joint venture between Toyota and General Motors and Fremont. They are manufacturing in California. We really need to do some work to find out why—and some of it is some of our state laws. What do you think it should contain, and what should it avoid? I think one might look at the corporate rate. Remember, I think when Ronald Reagan became president the tax rate was 75 percent for that 1 percent.
Look, this man is going to be president, most likely for the rest of this term. I just hope he has the ability to learn and to change. He is going to be in a position where he has influence over them because some of them are in states where he won. The speaker has spoken out. We were in a fight on the torture report, and our torture report took six years to complete. That was not [Applause. So I have a great respect for this. He really helped me, because I was under a lot of criticism for the report, which, to this day, not one fact has been shown to be wrong.
And we had a lot of people look at it. We admit it and we make the change. Espinas Hotel. Visit the Archaeological Museum with its fine collection including a stone capital of a winged lion from Susa. Explore the Golestan Palace Palace of Flowers and enjoy a private visit to a contemporary art gallery. Espinas Hotel B,L,D. TRIP DETAILS INCLUDED: Accommodation as per itinerary; meals as listed in the program; airport transfers if on the recommended flights; bottled water on the bus; all sightseeing in an air-conditioned coach; internal flights; all entrance fees and special events listed; full educational program and study leader; predeparture materials and reading list; local Iranian guide; professional tour manager who will accompany the group; gratuities for drivers, porters, restaurant and hotel staff for all group activities.
The complex boasts two palaces, a pavilion, Persian gardens, a museum and a smaller gallery. After lunch, visit the Iranian crown jewels stored in the basement vault of the Bank Melli Iran. This afternoon, fly to Yazd, a major stop on the international caravan routes to Central Asia and India.
YAZD Tuesday, September 25 Visit the former home of the governor of the city to see and learn more about traditional Persian architecture and the badgers, wind towers ingeniously designed to catch a passing breeze. Explore the bazaar and enjoy a stroll through it before visiting the Water Museum. Stop at the Haj Khalifeh Ali Rahbar pastry shop opened in and the Amir Chakhmaq Complex with its perfectly proportioned sunken alcoves and tiles laid out in intricate patterns.
Spend the balance of the afternoon concentrating on the Zoroastrian religion. Zandiyeh Hotel B,L,D. Head to the Fars Museum and then explore the citadel or Arg-eKarim Khan, built in using the best architects and artists and materials of the time. Continue on to the tomb of Saadi, one of the major Persian poets of the time and known all over the world for the quality and depth of his social and moral thoughts in his writings.
End the. Superb bas-reliefs depict the flow of ritual processions. After eating lunch sitting in the shade of grape vines, visit Naghsh-e Rustam, which contains the carved tombs of four Achaemenid kings. Abbasi Hotel B,L,D. KASHAN Tuesday, October 2 Depart for Kashan, the epitome of everything that is typically Persian, from its mosques, caravanserais and stately gardens to its carpets, ceramics and delicate embroideries. Arrive for lunch, and then visit the Tabatabaei House, a traditional house built in the early s, which is renowned for its mirror and stained glass work.
Visit the historic Kashan Bazaar, the center of trade in the city for almost years. Visit the Palace of Forty Columns, a charming pavilion where the walls and ceilings are covered with frescoes and paintings. Walk to the Maidan-e Shah or Imam Square, the central focus of this fascinating city that never failed to inspire and awe European merchants and ambassadors to the Safavid court. After lunch, spend the afternoon exploring the bazaar and learning more about traditional crafts in Iran. We stop at the Tomb of Ayatollah Khomeini, which is the centerpiece of a complex that is planned to include a cultural and tourist center, a university for Islamic studies, a seminary and a shopping mall.
Check in to our hotel, located very close to the airport. Enjoy a festive farewell dinner. In order to participate, one should be able to walk 1—2 miles per day comfortably, climb steep stairs without handrails or assistance and walk and stand for periods of two hours at a time.
Fall is a lovely time to travel in Iran when temperatures range from 60—85 degrees Fahrenheit. Scientists contend that science intensifies the joy of cooking. Impacts were much larger and more frequent on the early Earth. In all likelihood, impacts posed the greatest challenge to the survival of Incomplete Nature begins by accepting what other theories try to deny: that, although mental contents do indeed lack these material-energetic properties, they are still entirely products of physical processes and have an unprecedented kind of causal power that is unlike anything that physics and chemistry alone have so far explained.
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